Attila Melegh

• Eastern Europe and Hungary mainly established immigration links with their immediate neighbours (based
on country of birth, more than 65% of all residents come from Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine), while
it only has less important links with other European or non-European countries. In this regard, Hungary has
a well-developed institutional system that supports co-ethnic groups, which leads to very high levels of naturalisation
among them.
• Nonetheless, it can be demonstrated that their immigration can also be negatively seen by the receiving
https://www.population-europe.eu/discussion-paper/discussion-paper-no-8-similar-different
communities, as evidenced in interviews with immigrants, and their integration level can be associated with
various factors like length of stay or level of education.
• Immigrants that arrive without the ability to speak Hungarian can have relatively high levels of integration
into the labour market if they are in the country for a longer period of time and have a high level of education.
• Thus, immigrant groups with or, very interestingly, without a Hungarian background show relatively high
levels of integration. Hungary faces little structural integration problems in this respect.

Egyenlőtlenség, migráció, demográfia, nacionalizmusok és populizmus. Ki és mit nyerhet ebből hosszú, illetve rövid távon? Önszántukból keresnek-e az emberek máshol megélhetést, vagy többszörös és több irányból ható kényszerítő erő nyomására teszik? Hova vezet, hova vezethet az egyenlőtlenség? Aktuális kérdések, amelyekre Melegh Attila magyarországi szociológus kínál elgondolkodtató válaszokat.

M INTERJÚ - 41'04"
Fény: Marius Clopot
Hang: Răzvan Nițescu
Kép: Ovidiu Cristescu
Vezető operatőr: Sánta Ádám
Vágó: T. Bányai Péter
Szerkesztő: E. Ferencz Judit

TVR1 - MAGYARADÁS az egyesen
2017.03.14.

In this paper we examine the views of ordinary people in Hungary and Romania about developmental trajectories and developmental hierarchies. Our work extends research on perception of global hierarchies as we include the views of ordinary people in the countries of Hungary and Romania. In addition, our research makes a unique contribution to the development and developmental hierarchy literature by examining, for the first time, how individuals define development. Although the main focus of this paper is the developmental views of Hungarians and Romanians, at times we add to our discussion results from a survey in Bulgaria and another from Albania. In this paper we conclude that developmental models are widespread among ordinary people in Hungary and Romania; we also find that the SouthEast European region does show some specificities in terms of the over-and under-positioning of certain countries relative to the dominant international rating system. China and, to a lesser degree, Russia were over-positioned by respondents relative to the developmental index

Az alábbi írás és az azt követő válogatás az ötvenes évekkel kapcsolatos szenvedésekre és történeti sorsfordulókra hivatkozó, ám mégis hamis, (mert) leegyszerűsítő, „európázó” és önsajnáló nemzeti-áldozati és „totalitarizmus”-képet elemzi. abból a célból, hogy megmutassa, mi hiányzik belőle. Nem a belső fejlődés eredményeinek elhallgatását
tesszük szóvá, nem a földosztás, a termelőeszközök szocializálásának,  az analfabetizmus felszámolásának stb. elhallgatását rójuk fel. „Csak”  azt kívánjuk illusztrálni, hogy a mainstream  ideológiai  konstrukció  miként iktatja ki a történeti megemlékezésből a (késő)gyarmati terrort,  ami a világ népességének óriási területeit érintette. Amint ezt a globális  fordulatot megtesszük, s többek között kilépünk a nemzeti-áldozati  önsajnálatból, és helyi történeteinket a globálisan megélt társadalmi
tapasztalatok alapján építjük fel, akkor újra kell, kellene gondolnunk,  hogy milyen valós strukturális tényezők vezettek el a tömeges politikai erőszakhoz, a nemzeti szuverenitás elvesztéséhez.

ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ Tanulmányunkban Magyarországnak az elmúlt közel hét évtizedben megvalósult migrációs kapcsolatait elemezzük globális perspektívából. ENSZ, világbanki és népszámlálási makro-adatok alapján vizsgáljuk meg, hogy a magyarországi fo-lyamatok miképpen illeszkedtek a globális változásokhoz, és mi jellemezte azo-kat a migrációs tereket, amelyekben Magyarország aktív szerepet vállalt. Néhány alapváltozó mentén (relatív egy főre jutó GDP, gazdasági szerkezet) vizsgáljuk, hogyan alakult az ország strukturális helye, és ez miképpen függött össze a ván-dorlási folyamatok alakulásával. Továbbá, hogy mennyire voltak stabilak a kül-ső migrációs kapcsolatai, illetve ezek milyen más külső kapcsolatrendszerekkel lehetnek összefüggésben. Polányi Károly fiktív árufogalmának felhasználásával arra is keressük a választ, hogy az adott gazdasági rendben milyen fiktív migrá-ciós cserékben vesz részt Magyarország, ha egybevetjük és értékeljük az el-és bevándorlást, illetve annak összetételét a főbb történeti kapcsolatok mentén.

1 This paper analyzes the structural and discursive context in which Hungary is becoming a low fertility emigrant country during the refolding of the Hungarian society into the direct competitive mechanisms of global capitalism. These changes include the increasing demand for labor within the internally open European Union and other longer-term local developments which have uprooted and continue to uproot a large number of people in Hungarian and East European societies. Following the logic of structure versus discourse interplay in a global and local context, we first carry out a historical structural analysis of the key demographic processes. Then, policies and institutionalized norms are reviewed. Finally, we analyze the radicalization of wider and popular political discourses in order to complete a complex and dynamic analysis of Hungarian demographic nationalism and panic in the second decade of the Millennium.

This study proposes new ways of comparing discourses on population and argues that these discourses concern both management of the reproduction of human bodies on a massive scale, and competition at global and local levels for re-sources and/or an improved position in global and local hierarchies. This interface between global and local hierarchies actually reveals how we can understand the com-parative politics of population management. We aim to establish some of the basic types of such positioning, linking global and local hierarchies in order to start the work of a truly comparative analysis of patterns of population policy, which cannot be sufficiently explained by demographic processes or the specific ideologies of ruling groups.

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The role of the East-West discourse and the East-West civilizational slope is to set the terms and rules of global and local positioning and to formulate cognitive perspectives and maps in which different actors can locate themselves, each other and their own societies in the late-modern capitalist world system or modern/colonial systems. In other words, the East-West slope is a dominant discourse for the articulation of identities and political programs and the creation of institutions in the struggle for control and/or social or political recognition. It appears in almost all areas of social and political life: individual careers, family life, institutional frameworks, scholarly works and major global political programs, and it creates a web of discursive arrangements “normalizing” our lives in the latest phase of world capitalism. Eastern Europe has proved to be an especially fruitful field for analyzing the mechanisms of the East-West slope not only because this region and the actors in it have been (re)imagined into an intermediate  position, but also because this region has been decomposed as a separate and competing block and (re)folded onto a hierarchical slope during the fall of state socialism and the (re)establishment of liberal capitalism. In this way the East-West slope has played a vital role in the recent history of Eastern Europe, with several functions in the dramatic changes affecting the lives of more then 300 million people.

In Europe, a systematic idea of demographic regions was born in the late
eighteenth century, more than a century after the birth of political arithmetics and demography. The idea of comparative population development (concerning relevant social institutions and processes of marriage, family, fertility, and mortality) and its relationship to other social institutions and arrangements appeared earlier, most importantly with regard to nations and local communities, but there was no concept of identifying various geographic spaces with specific demographic  behavior.
The chapter argues that concepts and ideas of demographic regions have been parts of evolving, many times conflicting discourses on how competing nations and their regions (their relevant social institutions) fit into a global fight over resources and related developmental opportunities within the context of global and local developmental and social hierarchies. The paper claims that five major periods can be established in this history: from the early 18th century till the end of it, early 19th century till the First World War, the period between the World Wars, from the Second World War till the 1980s and the period afterwards. The paper also argues that till the last third of the 20th century fertility and nuptiality (marriage) have been the main concerns while afterwards these concepts of regions were deconstructed and probably gave way to heated debates over migration.

Introduction The regional understanding of the concept of Central Europe is in itself the product of geo-cultural and geopolitical positioning in perceived global hierarchies by local and emigrant intellectuals in the 20th and early 21st century. This positioning has been multifaceted, and it has served various purposes in different historical epochs and in various countries in the region

Historical origins: hierarchical/colonial imaginations coming from outside Around three hundred years ago, a massive mental structure appeared in Europe, which promoted a hierarchical understanding of global social change based on colonial imagination (Amin 1989;Thornton 2005; Said 1978; Mignolo 2000; Böröcz 2004, 2009; Wallerstein 1979, 1991, 1997; Hobsbawm, 1987: chapter 1 and 6; Wolff 1994). The key element of this hierarchical imagination is to see different parts and people of the world as being hierarchically ordered regarding development. It was also understood temporarily. Less developed people represented the past of the most developed ones. Following the analysis of Larry Wolff, we can term this complex framework as an idea of civilizational slope (Wolff 1994). In this structure, almost all political and social actors in the “East” and “West” identify themselves on a descending scale from “civilization to barbarism”, from “developed to non-developed” status. (Melegh 2006; Wolff 1994).